Category: Criminal Justice

Criminal justice is the system through which society identifies, prosecutes, and punishes criminal behaviour while attempting to prevent crime and rehabilitate offenders.

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Criminal Justice Law Legal Analysis

What is an Abuse of Process in Criminal Law ?

Abuse of Process in Criminal Law

In criminal law an abuse of process occurs when the criminal justice system is misused in a way that undermines fairness, justice or the integrity of legal proceedings.

It involves actions that exploit the judicial process for improper purposes, such as harassing a defendant, causing unjust delays, or pursuing a case without legitimate grounds.

The concept is enshrined in the court’s inherent jurisdiction to protect its processes, as guided by the Criminal Procedure Rules 2020(CrimPR) and established case law.

Defining Abuse of Process

An abuse of process arises when the prosecution’s conduct or case circumstances render a fair trial impossible or unjust.

CPR Rule 3.28, part of the case management framework, empowers courts to give directions to ensure proceedings are conducted efficiently and fairly, which includes identifying and addressing potential abuses of process.

This rule supports the overriding objective in CPR 1.1 to deal with cases justly, ensuring fairness, efficiency, and compliance with the European Convention on Human Rights and Human Rights Act 1998, particularly Article 6 (right to a fair trial). Examples of abuse of process include:

  1. Improper Motives: Prosecuting to harass or intimidate rather than seek justice.
  2. Unreasonable Delay: Excessive delays that prejudice the defendant’s defence, such as faded memories or lost evidence.
  3. Non-Disclosure: Failing to disclose exculpatory evidence, breaching the Criminal Procedure and Investigations Act 1996.
  4. Entrapment: Inducing a defendant to commit a crime they would not otherwise have committed.
  5. Bad Faith Prosecutions: Pursuing a case without sufficient evidence or for ulterior motives, like political pressure.

Legal Framework

The Criminal Procedure Rules 2020 (CrimPR) are a comprehensive set of rules governing the practice and procedure of criminal courts in England and Wales. They provide a framework to ensure criminal cases are managed justly, efficiently, and fairly, as mandated by the Courts Act 2003, which empowers the Criminal Procedure Rule Committee to make these rules.

CrimPR 1.1, the overriding objective, requires courts to manage cases to avoid unfairness, inefficiency, or prejudice. Unlike specific statutory provisions in other contexts, criminal abuse of process relies on judicial discretion and precedent.

1.1.—(1) The overriding objective of this procedural code is that criminal cases be dealt with justly.

(2) Dealing with a criminal case justly includes―

(a) acquitting the innocent and convicting the guilty;

(b) treating all participants with politeness and respect;

(c) dealing with the prosecution and the defence fairly;

(d) recognising the rights of a defendant, particularly those under Article 6 of the European Convention on Human Rights;

(e) respecting the interests of witnesses, victims and jurors and keeping them informed of the progress of the case;

(f) dealing with the case efficiently and expeditiously;

(g) ensuring that appropriate information is available to the court when bail and sentence are considered; and

(h) dealing with the case in ways that take into account―

(i) the gravity of the offence alleged,

(ii) the complexity of what is in issue,

(iii) the severity of the consequences for the defendant and others affected, and

(iv) the needs of other cases.

The Criminal Procedure Rules 2020 – 1.1 The Overriding Objective

CrimPR 1.2 outlines the duty of all participants in a criminal case to actively assist the court in achieving the overriding objective.

1.2.—(1) Each participant, in the conduct of each case, must―

(a) prepare and conduct the case in accordance with the overriding objective;

(b) comply with these Rules, practice directions and directions made by the court; and

(c) at once inform the court and all parties of any significant failure (whether or not that participant is responsible for that failure) to take any procedural step required by these Rules, any practice direction or any direction of the court. A failure is significant if it might hinder the court in furthering the overriding objective.

(2) Anyone involved in any way with a criminal case is a participant in its conduct for the purposes of this rule.

The Criminal Procedure Rules 2020 – 1.2 The duty of the participants in a criminal case

CrimPR 3.28 allows courts to give directions for the effective management of criminal cases, which includes addressing abuses of process. While the rule itself focuses on case progression, it enables judges to scrutinise proceedings for potential misuse, ensuring they align with the overriding objective of fairness.

3.28.—(1) This rule applies where a defendant wants the Crown Court to stay the case on the grounds that the proceedings are an abuse of the court, or otherwise unfair.

(2) Such a defendant must—

(a) apply in writing—

(i) as soon as practicable after becoming aware of the grounds for doing so,

(ii) at a pre-trial hearing, unless the grounds for the application do not arise until trial, and

(iii) in any event, before the defendant pleads guilty or the jury (if there is one) retires to consider its verdict at trial;

(b) serve the application on—

(i) the court officer, and

(ii) each other party; and

(c) in the application—

(i) explain the grounds on which it is made,

(ii) include, attach or identify all supporting material,

(iii) specify relevant events, dates and propositions of law, and

(iv) identify any witness the applicant wants to call to give evidence in person.

(3) A party who wants to make representations in response to the application must serve the representations on—

(a) the court officer; and

(b) each other party,

not more than 10 business days after service of the application.

The Criminal Procedure Rules 2020 – 3.28 Application to stay case for abuse of process

The landmark case R v Horseferry Road Magistrates’ Court, ex parte Bennett [1994] 1 AC 42 established that courts can stay or dismiss proceedings deemed abusive. Rule 3.28 supports this by providing a mechanism for courts to intervene when proceedings risk unfairness or oppression.

Unlike specific statutory provisions in other contexts, criminal abuse of process relies on judicial discretion, with Rule 3.28 facilitating proactive case management to prevent or remedy abuses. Courts assess whether continuing a case would undermine public confidence or violate defendants’ rights.

Judicial Response

Courts have broad powers to address abuse of process, including:

  • Staying Proceedings: Halting a case if a fair trial is impossible or unjust, as supported by CrimPR Rule 3.28 directions.
  • Dismissing Charges: Dropping charges due to prosecutorial misconduct.
  • Excluding Evidence: Suppressing improperly obtained evidence under Section 78 of the Police and Criminal Evidence Act 1984.

For instance, in R v Beckford [1996] 1 Cr App R 94, non-disclosure of evidence was deemed an abuse, prompting judicial intervention. Similarly, R v Maxwell [2010] UKSC 48 clarified that remedies depend on the abuse’s severity and impact on fairness.

Importance of Preventing Abuse of Process

Preventing abuse of process, as facilitated by CrimPR Rule 3.28, is vital to maintaining public trust in the criminal justice system. It protects defendants from oppressive treatment, ensures efficient use of court resources, and upholds the integrity of proceedings.

Check out our related articles on Rule of Law, Open Justice, Is the Law Black and White ?, What Does Lady Justice Symbolise ?, Wasted Cost Orders, McKenzie Friend, Can a Judge Direct a Jury to Find a Defendant Not Guilty ?, Law Society, Law Commission, McKenzie Friend Right of Audience, Solicitors, Solicitors Regulation Authority, Barristers, Bar Council of England and Wales, Bar Standards Board, Contra Mundum, R v Sussex Justices, Police Impartiality and the highly questionable Sussex Family Justice Board.

The Ministry of Injustice is not the Ministry of Justice nor is it affiliated in any way with the justice system, legal profession, police or any other law enforcement agencies.

“Publicity is the very soul of justice. . . . It keeps the judge himself, while trying, under trial….Where there is no publicity there is no justice”

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Criminal Justice Law Legal Analysis

McKenzie Friends and Right of Audience in a Magistrates or Crown Court

McKenzie Friends and Right of Audience in a Magistrates or Crown Court

A McKenzie Friend can provide moral support, take notes, help organise case papers, and offer quiet advice on the conduct of the case. They do not have an automatic right to act as an advocate, conduct litigation, or address the court.

Can a McKenzie Friend Help You in Court? Everything* You Need to Know! – Alan Robertshaw Barrister

Right of Audience

In criminal proceedings, McKenzie Friends generally do not have a right of audience. This means they cannot speak on behalf of the litigant, make oral submissions or examine witnesses unless the court explicitly grants permission.

The court may grant a right of audience in exceptional circumstances, but this is rare. The decision is at the discretion of the presiding magistrate or judge, guided by the interests of justice.

Examples of exceptional circumstances may include:

  • The litigant has health issues preventing them from effectively addressing the court.
  • The litigant lacks the ability to articulate their case (e.g., due to language barriers or intellectual limitations).
  • The complexity of the case requires assistance to ensure a fair hearing.

Criminal vs Family and Civil Procedure

Unlike civil and family proceedings, where guidance like the Practice Guidance: McKenzie Friends (Civil and Family Courts) (2010) applies, criminal proceedings are not explicitly covered by this guidance.

Courts in criminal cases are more cautious about granting rights of audience due to the serious nature of criminal proceedings, which involve public interest and potential penalties like imprisonment.

The Legal Services Act 2007 (sections 12–19 and Schedule 3) makes it a criminal offense for an unqualified person to exercise rights of audience or conduct litigation unless authorised by the court on a case-by-case basis.

Court’s Discretion and Restrictions

A litigant must request permission for a McKenzie Friend to have a right of audience at the start of the hearing. The court will consider factors such as:

  • The litigant’s ability to represent themselves.
  • The complexity of the legal issues.
  • Whether the McKenzie Friend’s involvement would impede the administration of justice.

The court may refuse or revoke permission if the McKenzie Friend disrupts proceedings, acts improperly, or breaches confidentiality.

The court may also require the McKenzie Friend to provide their name, contact details, and a statement confirming they understand their role and duties, including confidentiality.

Court Denying a McKenzie Friend the Right of Audience

A judge is expected to provide reasons when denying a McKenzie friend the right of audience (permission to speak on behalf of a litigant in person).

This aligns with principles of fairness and transparency under Legal Services Act 2007 (c. 29), specifically under sections 208, 210, 211, Schedule 21 paragraph 84(d), and Schedule 23, which gives courts discretion to grant such rights only for “good reason,” typically in exceptional circumstances.

The Practice Guidance on McKenzie Friends (Civil and Family Courts) [2010] 1 WLR 1881 emphasises that decisions should be justified to ensure litigants understand the basis for refusal, allowing for potential appeals by the litigant (not the McKenzie friend).

Practical Considerations

In magistrates’ courts, where proceedings are often faster-paced and less formal than in higher courts, magistrates may be more reluctant to allow a McKenzie Friend to speak, as the litigant is normally expected to represent themselves.

If a McKenzie Friend is granted a right of audience, their role is still limited to specific tasks (e.g., addressing a point of law or cross-examining a witness) rather than acting as a full advocate throughout the hearing.

Fee-charging McKenzie Friends are viewed with caution, and courts may scrutinise their involvement to ensure they are not acting as unqualified legal representatives.

Relevant Guidance and Rules

While the Practice Guidance: McKenzie Friends (Civil and Family Courts) (2010) does not apply to criminal cases, it provides a framework that courts may refer to analogously.

The Criminal Procedure Rules 2010 do not specifically address McKenzie Friends but emphasise the court’s overriding objective to deal with cases justly, which includes ensuring a fair hearing for unrepresented defendants.

Article 6 of the European Convention on Human Rights (incorporated into UK law via the Human Rights Act 1998) supports the right to a fair trial, which may bolster a litigant’s request for assistance from a McKenzie Friend.

Case Law and Precedents

McKenzie v McKenzie [1970] 3 WLR 472 CA: Established the principle that litigants in person have a right to reasonable assistance.

Clarkson v Gilbert [2000] 2 FLR 839: Clarified that the court has unfettered discretion to grant a right of audience, and such decisions should not be limited to “exceptional” circumstances but depend on the case’s specifics.

Re N (A Child) (McKenzie Friend: Rights of Audience) [2008] EWHC 2042 (Fam): Emphasised that granting a right of audience should serve the interests of justice and that courts should consider the practical realities of limited legal aid availability.

Limitations and Risks of McKenzie Friends

McKenzie Friends are not regulated like solicitors or barristers, so there is no guarantee of their competence or accountability. Courts may exclude a McKenzie Friend if they undermine the efficient administration of justice (e.g., by providing improper advice or disrupting proceedings).

Litigants using a McKenzie Friend cannot recover costs for their services from the opposing party, even if successful, as costs are limited to those of a litigant in person.

Explanation of Clarkson v Gilbert

Clarkson v Gilbert [2000] 2 FLR 839 is a significant Court of Appeal case in England and Wales that clarified the principles governing the granting of a right of audience to a non-lawyer, such as a McKenzie Friend or a close relative, under section 27(2)(c) of the Courts and Legal Services Act 1990.

The case is particularly relevant to litigants in person who seek assistance from unqualified individuals to represent them in court proceedings, including in criminal, civil, or family matters.

Factual and Procedural Background

Parties and Context: The claimant, Petruska Clarkson, a psychotherapist, initiated legal proceedings against multiple defendants (also psychotherapists) alleging conspiracy, inducement to breach contract, and libel. These claims arose after her suspension from the Gestalt Psychotherapy Training Institute.

McKenzie Friend: Clarkson’s husband, Vincent Keter, who had a law degree and had completed Bar finals but was not yet called to the Bar, sought to represent her in court. He applied for a right of audience to act as her advocate in the litigation, including at trial and interlocutory hearings.

Initial Order: On 14 May 1999, Morland J granted Keter an ex parte order (without notice to the defendants) allowing him rights of audience under section 27(2)(c) of the Courts and Legal Services Act 1990, citing Clarkson’s ill health (an angina attack and depression) and her lack of financial means to hire legal representation.

Challenge: The defendants applied to set aside Morland J’s order, arguing insufficient evidence (e.g., outdated medical reports) and Keter’s questionable conduct, including misrepresenting himself as an advocate. On 16 December 1999, Eady J set aside the order, prompting Clarkson’s appeal to the Court of Appeal.

Appeal: The Court of Appeal, presided over by Lord Woolf CJ, alongside Waller LJ and Clarke LJ, heard the appeal on 14 June 2000. The key issue was whether Keter, as a close relative and non-lawyer, should be granted a right of audience to represent Clarkson.

Legal Issues

The court addressed the following legal questions:

  • Whether a close relative, such as a spouse, should be granted a right of audience under section 27(2)(c) of the Courts and Legal Services Act 1990.
  • Whether “exceptional circumstances” are required to grant such rights to an unqualified person, particularly a family member.
  • The appropriate exercise of judicial discretion in such cases, balancing the interests of justice with the proper administration of the courts.
  • Court’s Reasoning and Decision: The Court of Appeal allowed Clarkson’s appeal, restoring Morland J’s order granting Keter rights of audience.
  • Judicial Discretion Under Section 27(2)(c): Section 27(2)(c) of the Courts and Legal Services Act 1990 allows courts to grant a right of audience to a person not otherwise entitled, in relation to specific proceedings, at the court’s discretion.
  • The court emphasised that this discretion is unfettered but must be exercised in light of the statutory objective in section 17(1) (to develop legal services while maintaining the proper administration of justice) and section 17(3) (general principles governing professional advocates).
  • Distinction Between Professional and Family Advocates: The court distinguished between unqualified individuals offering advocacy services generally (e.g., professional McKenzie Friends) and close relatives assisting a family member.

    For professional McKenzie Friends, the court typically requires exceptional circumstances to grant a right of audience, as established in D v S (Rights of Audience) [1997] 1 FLR 724. This is because such individuals may lack professional regulation and accountability. For close relatives, such as a spouse, the test is less stringent.

    The court held that the question is whether there is good reason to grant the right of audience, based on the specific circumstances of the case, rather than requiring exceptional circumstances.
  • Factors Justifying a Right of Audience: Lord Woolf CJ noted that the overriding objective is to ensure justice is done. With legal aid less readily available, litigants in person may need assistance to present their case effectively.

    Relevant factors include the litigant’s health (e.g., Clarkson’s angina and depression) and financial means (e.g., inability to afford legal representation after unsuccessful attempts to secure conditional fee arrangements or pro bono assistance).

    In this case, the court found that Clarkson’s health issues and lack of means justified allowing Keter to act as her advocate, as there was a risk she would be deprived of a fair hearing otherwise.
  • Critique of the Lower Court: The court held that Eady J erred by applying the “exceptional circumstances” test from D v S to a case involving a close relative.

    Clarke LJ clarified that the discretion under section 27(2)(c) is not fettered by a requirement for exceptional circumstances in such cases. Instead, the court must consider whether it is just to permit the advocate, based on the case’s facts.
  • Practical Considerations: The court acknowledged that litigants in person have a right to conduct their own litigation but may need assistance due to practical difficulties. A McKenzie Friend’s role (e.g., giving advice or taking notes) does not automatically extend to advocacy unless the court grants permission.

    The court noted concerns about Keter’s conduct (e.g., describing himself as an advocate) but found these insufficient to deny the right of audience, given the need to ensure justice for Clarkson.

    The court emphasised that the litigant should generally apply in person for such permission at the start of the hearing, allowing the court to assess the need directly.
  • Statutory Framework: The court highlighted the tension between allowing a close relative to act as an advocate and the statutory duties under section 27(2A) of the Courts and Legal Services Act 1990, which require advocates to act with independence and comply with professional conduct rules. A family member may struggle to maintain such independence, but this did not preclude granting the right in this case.
  • Holding and Implications: The Court of Appeal allowed the appeal, restoring Keter’s right of audience to represent Clarkson in the litigation.

    The court found that her ill health and lack of means constituted good reason for granting the right, and the decision was necessary to ensure justice.
    • Implications: The case clarified that the test for granting a right of audience to a close relative is whether there is good reason, not necessarily exceptional circumstances, distinguishing such cases from those involving professional McKenzie Friends.

    It recognised the practical reality of reduced legal aid availability, increasing the need for assistance for litigants in person.

    The decision reinforced the court’s discretion to balance the interests of justice with the need to maintain proper administration, particularly in cases where the litigant’s ability to represent themselves is impaired.

    The case remains a key authority in determining when McKenzie Friends or relatives may be granted rights of audience, especially in civil and family proceedings, and its principles are often applied analogously in criminal proceedings (though courts are more cautious in criminal cases due to their seriousness).

Conclusion

While Clarkson v Gilbert was a civil case, its principles are relevant to magistrates’ and crown courts in criminal proceedings:

Check out our related articles on Magistrate, Chief Magistrate, Dodgy Magistrates, Rule of Law, Open Justice, Is the Law Black and White ?, What Does Lady Justice Symbolise ?, McKenzie Friend, Can a Judge Direct a Jury to Find a Defendant Not Guilty ?,Law Society, Law Commission, Solicitors, Solicitors Regulation Authority, Barristers, Bar Council of England and Wales, Bar Standards Board, Contra Mundum, R v Sussex Justices, Police Impartiality and the highly questionable Sussex Family Justice Board.

The Ministry of Injustice is not the Ministry of Justice nor is it affiliated in any way with the justice system, legal profession, police or any other law enforcement agencies.

“Publicity is the very soul of justice. . . . It keeps the judge himself, while trying, under trial….Where there is no publicity there is no justice”

Jeremy Bentham – Mr Justice Cobb: ‘Justice must be seen to be done’

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You should always seek formal legal advice from a qualified and reputable lawyer (solicitor or barrister).

There are a number of links to Free and Paid For Legal Resources and Legal Organisations on the Free Legal Advice , Legal Aid and Pro Bono pages.

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Civil Justice Criminal Justice Judiciary Legal Professionals

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Court Proceedings Videos

The latest cases in the Crown Court and Court of Appeal are available on the Sky News Courts YouTube channel. These videos are a real opportunity to see justice in action.

Section 41 of the Criminal Justice Act 1925 (CJA 1925) makes it an offence to take any photograph, make or attempt to make any portrait or sketch of a justice or a witness in, or a party to, any proceedings before the court, either in the courtroom or its precincts.

The Crimes and Courts Act 2013 allows the ban to be disapplied in certain circumstances by secondary legislation. For instance, the Court of Appeal and Competition Appeal Tribunal can broadcast proceedings. The Crown court can broadcast sentencing remarks. The Supreme Court is excluded from the two bans because cases heard by the UK’s highest court, which was established in 2009, would have previously been heard in the House of Lords where broadcasting was allowed.

See Photography in Court for more information.

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Please be advised that videos may contain graphic descriptions of serious crimes, including murder and sexual offences.

Honeytrap thieves jailed for killing men they had drugged

A couple who drugged men seeking sexual services in order to steal from them were jailed for killing two men and poisoning others.

Adina Mihai and Madalin Dumitru admitted the manslaughter ...of Gary Mouat, 37, from Oxfordshire, and Malcolm King, 80, from Gloucestershire, in 2025 and 2024 respectively.

The pair also each admitted two further counts of administering poison to two surviving victims.

Mihai, 31, and Dumitru, 30, were both sentenced to 17 years in prison at Oxford Crown Court.

Mihai, who posed as a sex worker, and her partner Dumitru, arranged to meet men paying for services she had advertised online at their homes.

The court heard four had their alcoholic drinks spiked with the powerful sedative gamma-butyrolactone (GBL) so the pair could steal from them.

Two men died as a result, while two others survived.

Sentencing, Mrs Justice Brunner said the amount of GBL, commonly referred to as a date rape drug, given to the pair's victims was "haphazard".

She told them: "If you had stopped for a moment to consider the risks, as you should have done, you would have realised that you were creating a high risk of serious injury or death every time you administered that drug.

"If you had done the most cursory research you would know that GBL can be extremely toxic."

The judge added: "You left each victim alone in a state of deep unconsciousness, and a moment's thought could and should have led to the realisation that they might never come round."

The judge's sentencing remarks can be read in full at: https://www.judiciary.uk/judgments/r-v-adina-mihai-and-madalin-dumitru/

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Check out our related articles on Rule of Law, Open Justice, Lady Chief Justice, Is the Law Black and White ?, Abuse of Process, What Does Lady Justice Symbolise ?, McKenzie Friend, Can a Judge Direct a Jury to Find a Defendant Not Guilty ?, Law Society, Law Commission, McKenzie Friend Right of Audience, Solicitors, Solicitors Regulation Authority, Barristers, Bar Council of England and Wales, Bar Standards Board, Contra Mundum, R v Sussex Justices, Police Impartiality and the highly questionable Sussex Family Justice Board.

The Ministry of Injustice is not the Ministry of Justice nor is it affiliated in any way with the justice system, legal profession, police or any other law enforcement agencies.

“Publicity is the very soul of justice. . . . It keeps the judge himself, while trying, under trial….Where there is no publicity there is no justice”

Jeremy Bentham – Mr Justice Cobb: ‘Justice must be seen to be done’

Latest Articles ↓

Most Popular ↓

You should always seek formal legal advice from a qualified and reputable lawyer (solicitor or barrister).

There are a number of links to Free and Paid For Legal Resources and Legal Organisations on the Free Legal Advice , Legal Aid and Pro Bono pages.

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Criminal Justice Law Legal Analysis

What is the Forensic Science Regulator ?

Forensic Science Regulator

Forensic science is a cornerstone of modern criminal justice, providing critical evidence that can make or break a case. However, the reliability and accuracy of forensic evidence are paramount to ensuring justice is served.

In the United Kingdom, the Forensic Science Regulator (FSR) plays a pivotal role in maintaining the integrity of forensic science services across England and Wales.

Established in 2007 and granted statutory powers through the Forensic Science Regulator Act 2021, the FSR ensures that forensic science providers adhere to rigorous scientific quality standards, safeguarding the criminal justice system from errors that could lead to miscarriages of justice.

The FSR’s primary mission is to establish and enforce quality standards for forensic science activities, from crime scene analysis to courtroom testimony. Operating as an independent public appointee, sponsored by but separate from the Home Office, the FSR collaborates with stakeholders across the criminal justice system, including police forces, forensic providers, prosecutors, and defense teams.

Its overarching goal is to ensure that all forensic science activities—whether conducted by large organizations, small private firms, or individual practitioners—meet consistent, high-quality standards. This applies equally to prosecution and defense experts, fostering a level playing field and enhancing public confidence in the justice system.

The Forensic Science Regulator Act 2021 marked a significant milestone, transforming the FSR from a non-statutory body into a statutory one with enhanced authority. Prior to 2021, the FSR relied on voluntary compliance, which led to inconsistent adoption of standards, particularly among smaller providers and police forces.

The Act empowered the FSR to publish a statutory Code of Practice, first enforced in October 2023, which outlines requirements for 51 defined forensic science activities (FSAs), with 34 currently subject to the Code. This Code mandates quality management systems (QMS) and, for many FSAs, accreditation to international standards like ISO/IEC 17025, assessed by the United Kingdom Accreditation Service (UKAS).

The FSR can now investigate non-compliance and issue compliance notices, with the power to halt forensic activities that risk prejudicing criminal proceedings.

The FSR’s work extends beyond enforcement. It collaborates with specialist working groups and the Forensic Science Advisory Council (FSAC) to develop standards for disciplines such as DNA analysis, fingerprint examination, and digital forensics.

These groups review existing standards, propose improvements, and ensure ongoing research supports advancements in forensic science. The FSR also publishes technical guidance, newsletters, and annual reports to keep practitioners informed and foster a culture of continuous improvement. For instance, its 2023 annual report emphasised the importance of coordinated proficiency testing and highlighted challenges in implementing the statutory Code, such as resource constraints and the complexity of regulating over 100 organizations.

Despite its successes, the FSR faces challenges. Critics argue that its “light touch” approach before 2021 left gaps in regulation, with some providers failing to achieve accreditation. Resource limitations and austerity measures have strained the FSR’s capacity to oversee a diverse forensic landscape, particularly as new technologies and methods emerge.

The 2023 conference underscored the FSR’s commitment to proportionate regulation, encouraging self-reporting of errors to build a robust quality culture without overburdening providers. However, achieving full compliance across all FSAs remains a work in progress, with ongoing efforts to balance regulatory rigor with practical implementation.

The Forensic Science Regulator established several specialist working groups to advise on specific areas of forensic science and to undertake studies within their areas of expertise.

  1. Forensic Science Advisory Council
  2. Contamination Specialist Group
  3. Biology Specialist Group
  4. Fingerprint Quality Specialist Group
  5. Digital Forensics Specialist Group
  6. DNA Analysis Specialist Group
  7. End User Specialist Group
  8. Forensic Pathology Specialist Group
  9. Medical Forensics Specialist Group
  10. Quality Standards Specialist Group
  11. Evidence Assessment Specialist Group
  12. Incident Examination Specialist Group
  13. Firearms Specialist Group
  14. Interpretation Specialist Group
  15. Drugs and Toxicology Specialist Group

The FSR’s impact is undeniable. By setting clear standards, promoting accreditation, and fostering stakeholder collaboration, it ensures forensic evidence is reliable and admissible in court. Its statutory powers have strengthened its ability to address quality failures, protecting the integrity of criminal investigations and trials. As forensic science evolves, the FSR’s role in adapting standards and supporting innovation will be crucial to maintaining public trust in the justice system.

The email address for general inquiries to the Forensic Science Regulator is [email protected]. 

Check out our articles on Rule of Law, Open Justice, Justice System, Criminal Justice, Criminal Cases Review Commission, R v Sussex Justices, Litigants in Person, McKenzie Friend, Reasonable Person Test, What is Bail ?, Do you Have to Bow to a Judge ?, Can you Email a Judge ?, Can you Criticise a Judge ? and the highly dubious Sussex Family Justice Board.

The Ministry of Injustice is not the Ministry of Justice nor is it affiliated in any way with the justice system, legal profession, police or any other law enforcement agencies.

“Publicity is the very soul of justice. . . . It keeps the judge himself, while trying, under trial….Where there is no publicity there is no justice”

Jeremy Bentham – Mr Justice Cobb: ‘Justice must be seen to be done’

Latest Articles ↓

Most Popular ↓

You should always seek formal legal advice from a qualified and reputable lawyer (solicitor or barrister).

There are a number of links to Free and Paid For Legal Resources and Legal Organisations on the Free Legal Advice , Legal Aid and Pro Bono pages.

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Criminal Justice Law Legal Analysis

What is the Criminal Cases Review Commission ?

Criminal Cases Review Commission - CCRC

The Criminal Cases Review Commission (CCRC) stands as a vital institution within the criminal justice system, dedicated to investigating potential miscarriages of justice.

Established in 1997 under the Criminal Appeal Act 1995, the CCRC was created in response to high-profile cases, such as the Birmingham Six and Guildford Four, which exposed systemic flaws in the justice system. Its primary role is to review cases where individuals believe they have been wrongfully convicted or sentenced, offering a crucial safety net for those failed by the courts.

Applications and investigations (April 1997 – April 2025)
  • 33,299 applications received (including all ineligible cases)
  • 32,157 cases completed
  • 937 cases under review
    205 awaiting consideration
Referrals and decisions (April 1997 – April 2025)
  • 873 cases referred to appeal courts
  • 844 appeals heard by the courts
  • 591 successful appeals
    235 decisions upheld
    18 abandoned by applicant
Criminal Cases Review Commission – Facts and Figures

Is the UK Criminal Justice System Broken ?

The CCRC operates independently of the government, courts, and police, ensuring impartiality in its investigations. Based in Birmingham, England, it serves England, Wales, and Northern Ireland, while Scotland has its own equivalent, the Scottish Criminal Cases Review Commission.

The commission comprises a team of case reviewers, legal experts, and investigators who meticulously examine applications to determine whether there is new evidence or arguments that could warrant referring a case back to the appeal courts.

The process begins when an individual, or their representative, submits an application to the CCRC. Applicants must have already exhausted the standard appeal process, as the commission does not function as a secondary appeal court. Instead, it focuses on identifying cases where there is a “real possibility” that a conviction or sentence would not be upheld if new evidence or legal arguments were considered. This high threshold ensures that only cases with substantial grounds for review are referred to the Court of Appeal or, in some instances, the Crown Court.

The Criminal Cases Review Commission powers are extensive, allowing it to access documents, interview witnesses, and commission forensic tests or expert reports. For example, it can request DNA analysis or re-examine witness statements that may have been overlooked or misinterpreted during the original trial. Since its inception, the commission has reviewed thousands of cases, with over 700 referrals leading to overturned convictions or modified sentences by 2023. Notable successes include the quashing of convictions in cases like those of Sally Clark, wrongly convicted of murdering her children, and Victor Nealon, whose conviction was overturned after DNA evidence pointed to another suspect.

Despite its achievements, the CCRC faces challenges. Limited funding and resources can lead to delays in case reviews, with some applicants waiting years for a resolution. Critics argue that the “real possibility” test sets too high a bar, potentially excluding cases where miscarriages of justice may have occurred but lack definitive new evidence. Additionally, the commission has no authority to overturn convictions itself; it can only refer cases to the appeal courts, which may uphold the original decision.

The Criminal Cases Review Commission work is particularly significant in an era where public trust in the justice system is often tested. High-profile cases, such as the Post Office Horizon scandal, have underscored the need for an independent body to address systemic failures.

The commission’s ability to adapt to emerging technologies, like advanced forensic techniques, has also strengthened its role in uncovering truths that were previously inaccessible.

Public awareness of the CCRC remains relatively low, and many eligible individuals may not know they can apply for a review. To address this, the commission engages in outreach efforts, including working with legal professionals and advocacy groups to ensure that those who need its services are informed.

Its commitment to transparency is evident in its detailed annual reports, which outline its activities and highlight significant cases.In conclusion, the Criminal Cases Review Commission plays an indispensable role in safeguarding justice in the UK.

By providing a mechanism to correct wrongful convictions and sentences, it upholds the principle that no one should suffer unjustly under the law. While challenges remain, the CCRC’s dedication to fairness and its ability to evolve with the times ensure it remains a cornerstone of the criminal justice system, offering hope to those who have been let down by the courts.

The email address for general inquiries to the Criminal Cases Review Commission (CCRC) is [email protected].

Check out our articles on Rule of Law, Open Justice, Justice System, Criminal Justice, R v Sussex Justices, Forensic Science Regulator, Litigants in Person, McKenzie Friend, Reasonable Person Test, What is Bail ?, Do you Have to Bow to a Judge ?, Can you Email a Judge ?, Can you Criticise a Judge ? and the highly dubious Sussex Family Justice Board.

The Ministry of Injustice is not the Ministry of Justice nor is it affiliated in any way with the justice system, legal profession, police or any other law enforcement agencies.

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Did Bobby Vylan and the BBC break the law at Glastonbury 2025 ?

Bobby Vylan

The performance by Bob Vylan at Glastonbury 2025, where frontman Bobby Vylan (reportedly Pascal Robinson-Foster) led chants of “death, death to the IDF” and “from the river to the sea, Palestine will be free,” has prompted an investigation by Avon and Somerset Police to determine if any criminal offences were committed.

In any investigation by the police, it is vitally important that there should no suggestion of two tier policing or two tier justice.

His Honour Judge Melbourne Inman KC (The Recorder of Birmingham and The High Court Judge that never was) sentenced Lucy Connolly at Birmingham Crown Court to two years and seven months in prison for publishing written material that incited racial hatred.

Can you email a judge such as the Lady Chief Justice of England and Wales about a dishonest judge such as HHJ Melbourne Inman ?

Potential Offenses Under UK Law

  1. Incitement to Racial or Religious Hatred (Public Order Act 1986, Section 18)
    • Description: This section makes it an offense to use threatening, abusive, or insulting words or behaviour with the intent to stir up racial or religious hatred, or where such hatred is likely to be stirred up. The maximum penalty is seven years in prison.
    • Relevance to Bob Vylan: UK Lawyers for Israel (UKLI) have suggested that Bobby Vylan’s chants, particularly “death, death to the IDF,” may breach this section by causing harassment, alarm, or distress and potentially stirring up racial or religious hatred, given the reference to the Israeli Defense Forces (IDF). The phrase “from the river to the sea” is contentious, with some interpreting it as a call for the elimination of Israel, which could be seen as targeting Jewish self-determination or inciting hatred against Jewish people. However, others argue it is a call for Palestinian liberation, and its interpretation depends heavily on context.
    • Analysis: For a conviction, prosecutors must prove intent to stir up hatred or that hatred was likely to result. The performance context—a music festival with a politically charged atmosphere—may complicate proving intent, as artistic expression often enjoys some legal protection. However, the explicit call for “death” to a specific group (the IDF) could be seen as crossing into threatening language, especially if interpreted as targeting Israeli nationals or Jewish people broadly. The lack of immediate violence following the performance might weaken the case for “likelihood” of hatred being stirred up, but public reaction and the broadcast’s reach could be considered aggravating factors.
  2. Incitement to Violence (Common Law or Public Order Act 1986, Section 4)
    • Description: Incitement to violence is an offense under common law or Section 4 of the Public Order Act, which addresses threatening or abusive behaviour intended to cause fear of violence or provoke immediate unlawful violence. The maximum penalty under Section 4 is six months in prison.
    • Relevance to Bob Vylan: Bobby Vylan’s statement, “We are the violent punks, because sometimes you have to get your message across with violence because that is the only language some people speak,” alongside the “death to the IDF” chant, has been cited as potential incitement to violence. Shadow Home Secretary Chris Philp and former Home Secretary Baroness Smith have argued that the chant constitutes incitement, with Philp calling for prosecution.
    • Analysis: The threshold for incitement requires a clear intention to provoke violence and a likelihood of it occurring. The chant’s violent imagery could be interpreted as incitement, particularly in a charged political context. However, the festival setting, where provocative rhetoric is common in punk performances, and the absence of immediate violence may suggest the statement was performative rather than a direct call to action. Bobby Vylan’s broader comments about using violence to communicate could be scrutinised, but artistic expression and political protest often blur legal lines, making prosecution challenging without evidence of specific intent or immediate harm.
  3. Causing Harassment, Alarm, or Distress (Public Order Act 1986, Section 5)
    • Description: This section criminalises threatening or abusive words or behaviour within the hearing or sight of a person likely to be caused harassment, alarm, or distress. It carries a fine as the maximum penalty.
    • Relevance to Bob Vylan: UKLI has claimed that the chant “death, death to the IDF” could breach Section 5 by causing distress to audience members or viewers, particularly those who identify with Israel or the Jewish community.
    • Analysis: This offense has a lower threshold than Section 18, as it does not require intent to stir up hatred, only that the behaviour was threatening or abusive and likely to cause distress. The chant’s explicit call for “death” could meet this threshold, especially given its broadcast to a wide audience. However, the festival context and Bob Vylan’s history of provocative performances (e.g., addressing racism and political issues) might frame the chant as artistic or political expression, potentially protected under free speech principles. The subjective nature of “distress” makes this offense plausible but less severe.
  4. Broadcasting Material Stirring Up Racial Hatred (Public Order Act 1986, Section 22)
    • Description: This section makes it an offense for a broadcaster to transmit material that is likely to stir up racial hatred, particularly if it was reasonably practicable to remove the content before broadcast. The maximum penalty is seven years in prison.
    • Relevance to Bob Vylan and the BBC: The BBC’s live broadcast of Bob Vylan’s performance has been criticised for potentially breaching this section, as the chant was aired without being cut. UKLI and former BBC Director Danny Cohen have argued that the BBC’s failure to intervene constitutes a criminal offense, especially given prior antisemitism training for staff.
    • Analysis: While this offense primarily applies to the BBC, it indirectly implicates Bob Vylan as the source of the content. The BBC issued an on-screen warning about “very strong and discriminatory language” during the livestream, suggesting awareness of the content’s potential impact. However, the decision to continue broadcasting for over 40 minutes before removing the performance from iPlayer could be seen as a failure to exercise due diligence. For Bob Vylan, this offense would only apply if they were complicit in ensuring the broadcast, which seems unlikely. The focus here is more on the BBC’s editorial decisions than the band’s actions.

Additional Context and Considerations

  • Police Investigation: Avon and Somerset Police are reviewing video footage to assess whether any offenses were committed. This indicates that no charges have been filed as of June 30, 2025, and the investigation is ongoing. The police’s focus is on both Bob Vylan’s and Kneecap’s performances, suggesting a broader scrutiny of politically charged acts at Glastonbury.
  • Political and Public Reaction: The performance has drawn condemnation from Prime Minister Keir Starmer, Culture Secretary Lisa Nandy, and Conservative leader Kemi Badenoch, who labeled it “grotesque” and “hate speech.” The Israeli Embassy criticised the chants as advocating for the dismantling of Israel, raising concerns about normalising extremist language. Conversely, civil liberties groups have warned that prosecuting such performances risks blurring the line between censorship and accountability, highlighting the tension between free speech and hate speech laws.
  • Festival and BBC Response: Glastonbury organisers, including Emily Eavis, condemned the chants as “appalling” and emphasised that they do not endorse performers’ views. The BBC removed the performance from iPlayer and issued a statement calling the comments “deeply offensive,” but faced criticism for not cutting the live feed sooner.
  • Bob Vylan’s Statement: Bobby Vylan (reportedly Pascal Robinson-Foster) stood by his comments in a social media post, framing them as a call for a change in foreign policy and expressing solidarity with Palestinians. He acknowledged receiving both support and hatred but did not retract his statements.
  • Context of the Performance: Bob Vylan’s set included a screen displaying “Free Palestine – United Nations have called it a genocide – the BBC calls it a ‘conflict,’” reflecting their broader critique of26 of UK and US foreign policy. Their punk-rap style often involves provocative political commentary, which may argue for the chants being artistic expression.

Critical Perspective

The case highlights a tension between free speech, artistic expression, and legal boundaries around hate speech and incitement. UK hate speech laws, particularly under the Public Order Act, are designed to prevent harm but can be vague, leading to debates about their application to political or artistic statements. The phrase “from the river to the sea” is particularly contentious—interpreted by some as a legitimate call for Palestinian rights and by others as antisemitic or genocidal. The legal outcome may hinge on whether the chants are deemed to target a racial or religious group (e.g., Jewish people) or a military institution (the IDF), as well as the intent and context of the performance.

The BBC’s role raises questions about media responsibility. The broadcaster’s failure to cut the feed, despite prior antisemitism training, suggests a lapse in editorial judgment, but prosecuting a broadcaster for live content is rare and would require clear evidence of intent or negligence. The broader political context—intense public and governmental scrutiny of Israel-Palestine rhetoric—may amplify the case’s visibility but also risks politicising legal enforcement, potentially chilling free expression at cultural events like Glastonbury.

Conclusion

Bob Vylan’s performance may potentially breach Sections 5, 18, or 4 of the Public Order Act 1986, depending on interpretations of intent, context, and impact. The “death to the IDF” chant is the most likely basis for any charges due to its explicit violent imagery, though proving incitement or hatred in a festival setting is challenging. The ongoing police assessment suggests no immediate charges, and any prosecution would need to balance legal thresholds with free speech considerations. The BBC faces separate scrutiny under Section 22, but this is less directly tied to Bob Vylan’s actions.

Other legislation may also apply and be considered by the Avon and Somerset Police and the Crown Prosecution Service (CPS).

Image of Bobby Vylan – Yui Mok/PA

Check out our articles on the  Foul and Absuive Language, Justice System, Open Justice, Rule of Law, R v Sussex Justices, Victims’ Right to Review, Litigants in Person, McKenzie Friend, Do you Have to Bow to a Judge ?, Can you Email a Judge ?, Can you Criticise a Judge ? and the highly dubious Sussex Family Justice Board.

The Ministry of Injustice is not the Ministry of Justice nor is it affiliated in any way with the justice system, legal profession, police or any other law enforcement agencies.

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Crown Prosecution Service

crown prosecution service (cps)

The Crown Prosecution Service (CPS) plays a crucial role in the criminal justice system of the United Kingdom and was established in 1986.

The CPS is responsible for prosecuting criminal cases that have been investigated by the police and other investigative organisations in England and Wales. The CPS is independent and make decisions independently of the police and government.

Stephen Parkinson is the current Director of Public Prosecutions. He was appointed by the Attorney General and took up post on 1st November 2023. He will step down at the end of October 2028 when his five-year appointment as head of the CPS comes to an end.

The Director of Public Prosecutions (DPP) is the third most senior public prosecutor after the Attorney General (AG) and the Solicitor General (SG).

HM Crown Prosecution Service Inspectorate (HMCPSI) holds a statutory duty to inspect the operations of the Crown Prosecution Service (CPS).

History of the Crown Prosecution Service

The Crown Prosecution Service traces its roots back to the ancient office of the Director of Public Prosecutions (DPP), which was created in 1879 by the Prosecution of Offences Act 1879.

It was not until the Prosecution of Offences Act 1985 that the CPS officially came into existence. The Act aimed to streamline the prosecution process and create an independent authority responsible for making prosecution decisions.

Functions and Responsibilities

  1. Prosecutorial Decision-Making: One of the primary functions of the CPS is to make fair and independent decisions about whether to prosecute individuals accused of committing criminal offenses. The CPS reviews evidence gathered by the police and decides whether there is sufficient evidence to proceed with a case.
  2. Preparing and Presenting Cases: The CPS is responsible for preparing cases for court and presenting evidence during trials. They work closely with the police, victims, and witnesses to ensure a robust prosecution. Crown Prosecutors present the case on behalf of the state, aiming to secure a conviction and promote public confidence in the justice system.
  3. Victim and Witness Support: The CPS places significant importance on supporting victims and witnesses throughout the criminal justice process. They provide assistance, advice, and information to ensure their voices are heard and their rights are protected. This support helps to build confidence in the justice system and facilitates the fair treatment of all parties involved.

Organisational Structure

The CPS operates in England and Wales, divided into fourteen geographical Areas. Each Area is headed by a Chief Crown Prosecutor (CCP), responsible for managing the prosecution services within their jurisdiction. At the national level, the Director of Public Prosecutions (DPP) leads the CPS and oversees its operations.

Independence and Accountability

To maintain its independence and impartiality, the CPS operates separately from the police and other law enforcement agencies. Prosecutors must act in the interests of justice and consider the public interest when making prosecution decisions. However, they are also accountable for their decisions and must provide reasons for not prosecuting cases where the evidence is insufficient.

Evolving Challenges and Reforms

The CPS continually adapts to meet the challenges posed by an evolving criminal landscape. It has responded to technological advancements and new types of crime, such as cybercrime and terrorism, by developing specialised units and expertise. Additionally, reforms have aimed to improve efficiency and effectiveness, ensuring timely and fair justice for all.

Key Achievements

Over the years, the CPS has achieved several significant milestones. Notably, it played a pivotal role in implementing the Victims’ Right to Review Scheme, giving victims the right to request a review of a CPS decision not to prosecute. The CPS has also been at the forefront of initiatives to combat hate crime, violence against women, and child exploitation.

The Crown Prosecution Service serves as the backbone of the UK’s criminal justice system. Through its independent and fair decision-making, preparation of cases, and support for victims and witnesses, the CPS upholds the rule of law and ensures justice for all.

As it continues to evolve and adapt to changing circumstances, the CPS remains committed to its fundamental principles of fairness, accountability, and public interest.

Check out our related articles on the Director of Public Prosecutions (DPP), Crown Prosecution Service Inspectorate, Crown Prosecution Service (CPS) Complaints and Feedback, Victims’ Right to Review (VRR), Rule of Law, Open Justice, Is the Law Black and White ?, Abuse of Process, What Does Lady Justice Symbolise ?, McKenzie Friend, Can a Judge Direct a Jury to Find a Defendant Not Guilty ?,Law Society, Law Commission, McKenzie Friend Right of Audience, Solicitors, Solicitors Regulation Authority, Barristers, Bar Council of England and Wales, Bar Standards Board, Contra Mundum, R v Sussex Justices, Police Impartiality and the highly questionable Sussex Family Justice Board.

The Ministry of Injustice is not the Ministry of Justice nor is it affiliated in any way with the justice system, legal profession, police or any other law enforcement agencies.

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Thought Police

Thought Police

In George Orwell’s seminal novel 1984, the Thought Police represent the ultimate tool of oppression, monitoring and punishing individuals not just for their actions but for their very thoughts. Orwell’s dystopian vision was a warning, a fictional exaggeration meant to provoke reflection on the dangers of authoritarian control. Yet, in 2025, that fiction seems to be inching closer to reality, as evidenced by a disturbing incident in Britain that has reignited debates about free speech, police priorities, and the creeping specter of thought control.

According to the Daily Mail article Knock knock, it’s the Thought Police, published on the 22nd February 2025, Helen Jones, a 54-year-old grandmother from Stockport, found herself on the receiving end of a police visit—not for committing a crime, but for posting criticism of local Labour councillors on Facebook. The councillors in question were embroiled in a scandal uncovered by The Mail on Sunday, involving a WhatsApp group where offensive messages, including a Labour MP’s wish that an elderly constituent would die were shared. Jones’s post called for their resignation, a sentiment many might consider a reasonable exercise of free expression. Yet, within 48 hours of a complaint, two plain-clothes officers knocked on her door.

Greater Manchester Police conceded that Jones had committed no crime. No charges were filed, no laws were broken. Still, the visit left her shaken, too intimidated to post on social media again. “I’ve effectively been silenced,” she told the Daily Mail. Critics have likened the officers’ actions to those of East Germany’s Stasi, the notorious secret police known for stifling dissent through fear and surveillance. The comparison is stark, but it’s hard to ignore the parallels: a citizen targeted not for illegal acts, but for voicing an opinion.

The Daily Mail published a follow up article on the 24th February 2025, Fury deepens over ‘sinister’ Thought Police targeting

This incident raises uncomfortable questions about the state of free speech in Britain. At a time when police resources are stretched thin—thousands of serious crimes, from burglaries to assaults, go uninvestigated due to lack of manpower—why were detectives dispatched to confront a grandmother over a Facebook post?

The speed of the response is particularly jarring. The Daily Mail notes that within two days of the complaint, officers were at Jones’s door, a stark contrast to the often sluggish investigations into violent offenses or property crimes. It suggests a troubling skew in priorities, where policing thoughts takes precedence over policing streets.

The “Hope you Die” WhatsApp scandal itself is a messy affair. It led to the sacking of Health Minister Andrew Gwynne and the suspension of Burnley MP Oliver Ryan and 11 Labour Councillors after their vile messages came to light.

Public outrage was swift, and Jones was far from alone in her criticism. Yet, her case isn’t isolated. The Daily Mail article points to a growing trend of police investigating social media posts, citing examples like columnist Allison Pearson, feminist writer Julie Bindel, and former policeman Harry Miller, whose name was logged in a non-crime hate incident database for his online comments. These cases suggest a pattern: authorities increasingly treating speech as a potential offense, even when it falls short of illegality.

BlackBeltBarrister – Monumental waste of police time (Though Police)

What’s driving this shift? Some argue it’s the fallout of vague hate speech laws, which give police broad discretion to interpret what constitutes an offense. Others point to a cultural shift, where public criticism—especially of those in power—prompts swift complaints from offended parties, triggering police action. In Jones’s case, the complaint’s origin remains unclear, but the response was immediate and intimidating. It’s a tactic that doesn’t need to result in prosecution to be effective; the mere act of a police visit can chill dissent, as it did for Jones.

The implications are profound. If expressing frustration with elected officials online can summon detectives to your doorstep, what’s next? The Daily Mail quotes critics accusing the police of wasting resources on “thought crimes” while real criminals roam free. It’s a sentiment echoed across social media, where users have decried the incident as an overreach of power and a betrayal of public trust. The phrase “Thought Police” has trended, not as a literary allusion, but as a lived experience.

This isn’t to say police shouldn’t investigate genuine threats or incitements to violence—those have clear legal boundaries. But Jones’s post, by all accounts, was neither. It was a call for accountability, not a call to harm. The distinction matters. When authorities blur the line between policing actions and policing opinions, they risk eroding the very freedoms they’re meant to protect.

Orwell’s Thought Police didn’t just punish; they instilled fear, ensuring citizens self-censored to avoid scrutiny. Helen Jones’s story suggests Britain may be flirting with a similar dynamic. As she retreats from social media, silenced by the knock of a detective, one wonders how many others will follow suit. The Daily Mail article serves as both a report and a warning: when the state prioritizes thoughts over crimes, the dystopia Orwell imagined ceases to be fiction. It becomes our reality.

British ‘thought police’ order pensioner to apologise for ‘upsetting’ Facebook post or face investigation

Thames Valley Police – Thought Police for a Facebook Post
Thames Valley Police

Check out our articles on Policing, Police News, Policing by Consent, Police Impartiality, Free Speech Union, Two Tiered Policing, Wasting Police Time, National Security Online Information Team (NSOIT), Counter Disinformation Data Platform (CDDP) and the highly questionable Sussex Family Justice Board.

The Ministry of Injustice is not the Ministry of Justice nor is it affiliated in any way with the justice system, legal profession, police or any other law enforcement agencies.

“Publicity is the very soul of justice. . . . It keeps the judge himself, while trying, under trial….Where there is no publicity there is no justice”

Jeremy Bentham – Mr Justice Cobb: ‘Justice must be seen to be done’

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Criminal Justice Law Police

Firearms Amnesty 2025

Firearms Amnesty

In an unprecedented move to tackle the rising threat of converted firearms within the UK, a national amnesty has been initiated for specific types of blank-firing guns, commonly known as top-venting blank firers (TVBFs). The amnesty which started on the 3rd February 2025 and concludes on the 28th February, 2025, targets four Turkish-manufactured models that tests have shown can be readily converted into lethal weapons.

TVBFs are illegal under Section 1(6) of the Firearms Act 1982, meaning that they are prohibited firearms under Section 5 (1) of the Firearms Act 1968.

The National Police Chiefs’ Council (NPCC), in collaboration with the National Crime Agency (NCA), National Ballistics Intelligence Service and various police forces across the country, has launched this amnesty following alarming evidence that these guns have been implicated in criminal activities, including at least four homicides since 2023. The models in question, produced by Retay, Ekol, Ceonic, and Blow, were initially designed for non-lethal uses such as starting races or theatrical performances. However, their convertibility into functioning firearms has caught the attention of law enforcement.

The top-venting blank firers are used by criminals and can be converted into lethal firearms.

During the last two years, policing and the NCA has identified and disrupted several workshops used to convert these pistols into lethal weapons.

In the same period, large numbers of converted weapons were recovered across multiple locations, alongside thousands of rounds of blank calibre and modified ammunition.

One investigation recovered more than 400 converted weapons from a single crime group. There is a strong demand for them evidenced by the numbers imported and subsequent recovery from criminals.

Stopping the sale of these top-venting blank firers from being converted will go a significant way to help protect the public.

Assistant Chief Constable Tim Metcalfe, National Police Chiefs’ Council Lead for the Criminal Use of Firearms

Check out the article on the National Firearms Amnesty

Why the Amnesty?

The primary aim of this amnesty is to remove these potentially dangerous weapons from the public domain, reducing the risk they pose when falling into the wrong hands. According to the NPCC, while gun crime in the UK remains relatively low compared to other countries, the conversion of these blank-firing guns into lethal weapons presents a significant emerging threat. Since 2021, over 800 converted TVBFs have been recovered in criminal circumstances, highlighting the urgency of this initiative.

How the Gun Amnesty Works

During the amnesty period, individuals who possess any of these four models can surrender them at local police stations without facing prosecution for the illegal possession of these now-banned firearms. This leniency is intended to encourage those who might have these guns for legitimate, non-criminal purposes to hand them over.

The guns will not only be removed from circulation but will also be analysed to see if they have been involved in previous criminal acts, thereby potentially aiding in ongoing investigations.

Public Response and Implications

The response from the public has been cautiously optimistic. Many see this amnesty as a chance to rectify unintended possession of these newly classified illegal firearms. There’s an acknowledgment among communities that while these guns might have been bought legally or even as souvenirs from trips, their potential for misuse is now too significant to ignore.

Law enforcement officials, including Assistant Chief Constable Tim Metcalfe, the NPCC Lead for the Criminal Use of Firearms, have stressed the importance of public cooperation. “This initiative is about protecting our communities by ensuring these firearms don’t end up being used for criminal intent,” Metcalfe stated. “We urge anyone with these weapons to do the responsible thing and surrender them.”

Legal Implications Post Amnesty

Post-amnesty, the possession of these TVBFs will be strictly prohibited, with severe penalties including up to 10 years in prison for those caught with one. This crackdown is part of broader efforts by UK law enforcement to control the proliferation of firearms and reduce gun-related crimes.

The amnesty also serves as a reminder of the broader issue of firearm conversion in the UK, prompting discussions on the need for tighter regulations on the import and sale of blank-firing guns and other similar devices.

Check out our articles on Policing, Police News, Policing by Consent, Two Tiered Policing, Wasting Police Time, Met Police, Sussex Police, R v Sussex Justices and the highly questionable Sussex Family Justice Board.

The Ministry of Injustice is not the Ministry of Justice nor is it affiliated in any way with the justice system, legal profession, police or any other law enforcement agencies.

“Publicity is the very soul of justice. . . . It keeps the judge himself, while trying, under trial….Where there is no publicity there is no justice”

Jeremy Bentham – Mr Justice Cobb: ‘Justice must be seen to be done’

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There are a number of links to Free and Paid For Legal Resources and Legal Organisations on the Free Legal Advice , Legal Aid and Pro Bono pages.

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Is the UK Criminal Justice System Broken ?

UK Criminal Justice System


The UK’s criminal justice system is facing significant delays, with some trials being postponed until as late as 2028. A Sky News investigation at Leicester Crown Court revealed a criminal justice system described as chaotic and ineffective, characterised by:

  • Delayed Trials: Victims and defendants are experiencing waits of up to 460 days, with some cases stretched into future years due to a lack of resources like courtrooms, judges, and barristers.
  • Systemic Issues: The backlog in the crown courts is growing weekly. This delay is attributed to insufficient courtrooms, with around 15% to 20% remaining unused daily due to staffing shortages, alongside an increase in charges by the police and early releases from prisons due to overcrowding.
  • Professional Frustration: Barristers are moving away from criminal law to other, less chaotic areas of legal practice. This exodus is partly due to the system’s inefficiencies along with court staff shortages and increasing case volumes compounding the crisis.
  • Public and Legal Outcry: There’s a strong sentiment among legal professionals and the public that justice is being denied due to these delays. The system is criticized for not functioning effectively, with the Criminal Bar Association chair, Mary Prior KC, highlighting the broken nature of the current setup.
  • Infrastructure Problems: The physical state of court buildings is deteriorating, and even basic facilities like computer systems for tracking cases are unreliable, exacerbating the delays.

The judge then takes the unusual step of addressing the crisis to us in open court.

“I have cases day in, day out that I am having put over. It can be years, if you lose a date in 2025 it is 2026.

“All these cases you have to decide who gets priority… fraud cases are being put on the back burner. In my position I have cases put over for months, even years.”

As a rule, judges don’t do interviews, so this is as close as we’ll get to hearing what he thinks.

He is clearly exasperated and remarkably candid: “I don’t know where things are going to go but they aren’t going to get any better,” he says.

Inside the UK’s ‘wild west’ court system where people may have to wait until 2028 for justice to take place – Sky News
‘Justice delayed is justice denied’: UK’s broken legal system

Read the full Sky News article Inside the UK’s ‘wild west’ court system where people may have to wait until 2028 for justice to take place.

“If you think about it, if we don’t have a functioning criminal justice system, we are in a position where you have people roaming the streets who are committing serious offences and there’s no retribution for that.

People aren’t getting justice quick enough and if they’re not… what’s the point in any of it? People will start to give up.”

Barrister Annabel Lenton – Sky News

This situation in the UK’s criminal justice system underscores an urgent need for investment and reform to ensure timely and effective justice.

Check out our related articles on The Courts of England and Wales, Rule of Law, Innocent until Proven Guilty, Open Justice, R v Sussex Justices, Criminal Cases Review Commission, Lady Chief Justice and the highly questionable Sussex Family Justice Board.

The Ministry of Injustice is not the Ministry of Justice nor is it affiliated in any way with the justice system, legal profession, police or any other law enforcement agencies.

“Publicity is the very soul of justice. . . . It keeps the judge himself, while trying, under trial….Where there is no publicity there is no justice”

Jeremy Bentham – Mr Justice Cobb: ‘Justice must be seen to be done’

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